The Azanian Region of Earth

Azania controls or influences much of sub-Central Africa, and is generally Africanist in focus. For this reason, Azania often has been at odds with her ESA ally France over the Empire's control of Central Africa. Azania has so far relied on diplomacy to create a buffer zone to its north, between French Africa and Azania. This is to protect from any direct French aggression, as well as the inevitable chaos that would ensue if France were to collapse and its African holdings were left without its steady control. Indeed it is this latter possibility that Azania fears the most. France rules Central Africa more by strength than by persuasion, although it is more neglectful than overtly oppressive in its management of French Central Africa. The other, independent nations of Africa have learned to conduct their own diplomacy and internal regulation. Were France to withdraw from Central Africa, the nations under its control would not have the necessary experience dealing with the stresses so common to African relations.

The Azanian buffer zone, or "The Azanian Protectorate," as it is commonly known, includes Angola, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Angola is directly controlled by Azania, while Zambia and Zimbabwe are heavily dependent on Azania for direction and trade, although they remain at least nominally independent of direct Azanian control.

Azania occupies Angola by invitation of the Angolan government in 2134 (prior, in fact, to Azania's final annexation of her own outlying territories in 2150). Angola had many difficulties during the 21st century, just as it was a regional center of turmoil prior to the Twilight War. Azania occupied the nation militarily, with assistance from ESA partner Bavaria, and put down violent rebellions and uprisings with almost brutal efficiency, all the while reforming the Angolan government and improving Angolan industry and infrastructure. Over the years, these improvements, coupled with Azania's intolerance of unrest, paved the way to a stable Angola. Angola has done well under Azanian rule, and Angolans can often be found serving Azanian industry in various colonies of Azania. The government is a representative democracy, based more on standard European models of government than Azania's government. All offices are held by elected officials, but the candidates are nominated by the Azanian government from choices provided by the three official political parties of Angola. An Azanian advisor is selected by the President of Azania to sit on the Angolan cabinet and represent Azania's wishes, and the Angolan Military is headed by experienced Azanian officers. While some Angolan groups wish to regain independence, they remain in a minority at this time. The Azanian parliament has repeatedly defeated motions to absorb Angola (largely due to the desire to retain Angola as a buffer state with its own military), but President Intembe of Azania is known to be a supporter of Angolan annexation via peaceful means.

Zambia applied for assistance in restructuring its disastrously failed economy in 2157, and Azania provided heavy investment in Zambian infrastructure and industry in exchange for control of Zambia's trade. Zambia uses Azanian currency and has no stock market of its own, instead trading all stocks on the Azanian market. Zambia is a constitutional Monarchy with a democratic Parliament. Although the King of Zambia wields extensive power, the country has been relatively stable for generations with an increasingly-powerful Parliament. An Azanian "advisor" to the king communicates Azania's wishes. Zambia has never presented any desire to join Azania, instead relying on the status quo to maintain its independence and profitability.

Zimbabwe succumbed to Azanian political pressure in 2183, joining Zambia and Angola as an extension of Azania's sphere of control. Zimbabwe had been extremely unstable in the mid-22nd century, causing great concern in Azania and throughout the region. From 2112 through 2183, Zimbabwe went through 42 changes of governement, sometimes having two or even three governments at one time. In the process, Zimbabwe lost significant amounts of territory to Mozambique and Katanga. After a particularly bloody failed coup, Azania pressured the reigning military government of Zimbabwe to accept Azanian intervention in the area in exchange for diplomatic recognition and international aid. Azania supplied the military of Zimbabwe with expertise and limited amounts of technology to stabilize the situation and then managed to convince the other nations of Africa and Earth that stability was more important to the region than ideological purity. After ten years of Azanian-sanctioned martial law in Zimbabwe, Azania began a process of investment in the nation following its model of involvement in Zambia to the west. The country remains controlled by its military, but personal freedoms have been increased over the years under the direction of Azanian advisors, and a limited Parliament meets infrequently in Zambia to voice the opinions of the people. Zimbabwe has remained relatively stable since Azanian intervention, and citizens of Zimbabwe have been instrumental in Azania's interstellar successes, numbering among the initial colonists of Kimanjano and the crews of Azanian shipping.

The remainder of Azania's neighbors in Southern Africa vary in their relations with Azania. The military dictatorship of Katanga has long been at odds with Azania, in particular over its intolerable (to Azania) treatment of its citizens. Katanga is largely a primitive country ruled by aan abbreviated cabal of obscenely wealthy "generals" who hold the power and subjugate the people while draining the exchequer steadily of all monies. Were Azania ever to annex Zambia and/or Zimbabwe, Azania would undoubtedly immediately move to take Katanga, and few if any countries of the world would object. Katanga is, to quote a French diplomat, "The foulest hole of filth in known space."

Malawi. on the other hand, enjoys good relations with Azania, and in fact owes Azania, along with France, gratitude for its present existence. Following the Twilight War, Mozambique, Tanzania, Malawi, and the area now known as Katanga waged a heated battle over their region of Africa. As Malawi gained territory westward, its original territory near Lake Malawi was taken by Mozambique and Tanzania, leaving the country divided from its namesake. Only when Azania and France stepped in and forced a treaty fixing borders in the area was Malawi's eventual defeat halted. Malawi remains to this day a very minor player in Africa, dependent on Azanian aid to bring its limited goods to market and to prevent despoil by its neighbor Katanga.

Mozambique is notable as an example of modern African technology and stability, yet it has been a rival of Azania for over two hundred years and is an ever-present thorn in Azania's side. When the first Tantalum boom occurred in the late 21st century, Mozambique sat on extensive extensions of the Azanian Tantalum fields. Azania attempted to control Mozambique's Tantalum production, but Mozambique effectively played the French Peace against the Azanians, subtly provoking Azania into actions which resulted in a sharp rebuke from France, forcing Azania to back away from the issue. Mozambique then proceeded, over the next hundred years, to consistently undercut Azanian Tantalum prices and would not accept any discussion of working together to control prices and output. Mozambique shrewdly reinvested its profits in its own economy, and it is now one of the most advanced, literate, well-educated, and wealthy nations on Earth. In some ways it is even more advanced than its larger, more powerful neighbor, Azania. Mozambique, not Azania, is the financial capitol of non-French Africa, a fact that always rankles with the Azanian government. Mozambique lost some of its identity in the process, however, and most of the citizens of Mozambique would be indistinguishable from those of the average European country were it not for the color of their skin.

Tanzania's relationship with Azania is particularly close, possibly because the countries both have heavily invested in the preservation of their environment and animal life, and both have reaped the economic reward of the accompanying tourist trade. Tanzania has never required Azanian financial assistance, but a free flow of trade between the countries has forged deep connections, and Azania is suspected of having provided technical assistance in improving defenses along Tanzania's border with Katanga.

Central Africa is dominated by Nigeria and France. Azania has a friendly rivalry with Nigeria, each vying to outdo the other in aid to their neighbors and in internal development. Nigeria is not currently a spacegoing power, but that may change, as President Lansing Intembe of Azania has suggested, casually, that Nigeria and Azania cooperate on a future colonial venture. While this is some ways off, the prospect is definitely plausible, and the two countries share much in the way of ideology. In particular, both countries are increasingly appalled with France's conduct in French Africa.

The situation in French Africa, from the crippling poverty of the native populations to France's overt appropriation of resources from the region, serves as a constant stumbling block in French-Azanian relations. France repeatedly is forced to militarily crush rebellion and unrest due to the appalling conditions created by the Empire's poor policies and lack of investment in the region. While France supports international infrastructure designed to bring goods to Libreville and the Beanstalk (all the better to collect its tariffs on the these goods), the internal infrastructure of the subject states is in even worse condition than it was in the dark days following the Twilight War. And while power is plentiful, provided by the Beanstalk, most citizens of these countries have little access to goods and services which take advantage of the power, and instead live in abject poverty. Nigeria has done what it can to improve the situation amongst its immediate neighbors, if for no other reason than national security, but Azania has trod lightly with direct interference in the region. Still, the constant unrest raises great fears in Azania, for if the Empire were to collapse, the trouble would assuredly spread south.

Beyond the period following the Twilight War and the unrest it caused in Africa, Azania has generally had good relations with the nations of East Central Africa. Mostly, these countries have put their instability far behind them, and the borders have been secure for centuries following the lines drawn during the French Peace. Ethiopia and Eritrea have had generally positive relations with Azania, and Azanian industry has invested heavily in Djibouti and Somalia. Kenya's relationship with Azania, however, is ambiguous. Kenya has rarely, if ever, required Azanian assistance, and tends to view Azania's "meddling" in African politics as distasteful. But, at present, Kenya is content to produce its goods and leave Azania to its own course, and the countries only rarely interact. Were Azania ever to attempt consolidation of Southern Africa via war or diplomacy, Kenya would certainly take appropriate action to counter Azanian ambitions. The two countries do agree, however, that the Katangan problem must be dealt with, and soon.

Azania has been little-involved in the affairs of Northern Africa, as the region maintains deeper ties to Europe and the Near East than it does to sub-Saharan Africa. Limited trade occurs between the UAR and Azania, and the National University of Azania has a long-running study of the peoples of Berbera, but otherwise little communication or cooperation exists between Azania and this region.

Critics of Azania have claimed that this is yet another manifestation of Azania's racism toward non-blacks, and towards Muslims and people of Arab descent in particular, stating that were Azania truly "Africanist" in outlook, it would work for the betterment of all Africans, no matter what their ethnic or cultural ties. The fact remains, however, that North Africa has grown closer to Europe and the Near East over the centuries, and considers itself more Mediterranean than African.